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Journalism News Whistleblowing

New reports shed light on surveillance’s chilling effects

Human Rights Watch and the American Civil Liberties Union have published a joint report highlighting the chilling effects that US surveillance instills in journalists and lawyers, concluding that “surveillance is undermining media freedom and the right to counsel, and ultimately obstructing the American people’s ability to hold their government to account.” The EFF writes that the report “adds to the growing body of evidence that the NSA’s surveillance programs are causing real harm.”

As the ACLU explains:

The report is drawn from interviews with some 50 journalists covering intelligence, national security, and law enforcement for outlets including the New York Times, the Associated Press, ABC, and NPR.

The U.S. has long held itself out as a global leader on media freedom. However, journalists interviewed for the report are finding that surveillance is harming their ability to report on matters of great public concern.

Surveillance has magnified existing concerns among journalists and their sources over the administration’s crackdown on leaks. The crackdown includes new restrictions on contact between intelligence officials and the media, an increase in leak prosecutions, and the Insider Threat Program, which requires federal officials to report one another for “suspicious” behavior that might betray an intention to leak information.

The HRW/ACLU report is part of a growing body of evidence that journalists and lawyers feel their ability to protect sources and clients is threatened. In an interview with the Guardian last month, Edward Snowden recommended that professionals start to use encryption:

An unfortunate side effect of the development of all these new surveillance technologies is that the work of journalism has become immeasurably harder than it ever has been in the past. Journalists have to be particularly conscious about any sort of network signalling, any sort of connection, any sort of licence plate reading device that they pass on their way to a meeting point, any place they use their credit card, any place they take their phone, any email contact they have with the source because that very first contact, before encrypted communications are established, is enough to give it all away.

No matter how careful you are from that point on, no matter how sophisticated your source, journalists have to be sure that they make no mistakes at all in the very beginning to the very end of a source relationship or they’re placing people actively at risk. Lawyers are in the same position. And investigators. And doctors.

While professional associations have taken part in international investigations and legal challenges resulting from the Snowden revelations, as the HRW/ACLU report describes, there is a lack of consensus about what best practice should be for journalists and lawyers in a post-Snowden world.

NFA Report on Surveillance Costs

Just a day after the HRW/ACLU report, the New America Foundation published ‘Surveillance Costs: The NSA’s Impact on the Economy, Internet Freedom & Cybersecurity,’ an attempt to “quantify and categorize the costs of the NSA surveillance programs since the initial leaks were reported in June 2013.” The NFA finds that “the NSA’s actions have already begun to, and will continue to, cause significant damage to the interests of the United States and the global Internet community,” focusing on economic costs to US businesses, the harm done to US credibility and the “serious damage to Internet security through [the NSA’s] weakening of key encryption standards.”

Series of Reports on Surveillance Impact

The reports continue a series of investigations into the many ways that US surveillance infringes on Americans’ rights and privacy. In October 2013, the Committee to Protect Journalists published ‘The Obama Administration and the Press: Leak investigations and surveillance in post-9/11 America,’ a look at how the current crackdown on whistleblowers and the journalism they enable is dissuading officials from speaking to the press.

CPJ writes:

U.S. President Barack Obama came into office pledging open government, but he has fallen short of his promise. Journalists and transparency advocates say the White House curbs routine disclosure of information and deploys its own media to evade scrutiny by the press. Aggressive prosecution of leakers of classified information and broad electronic surveillance programs deter government sources from speaking to journalists.

New York Times reporter Scott Shane told CPJ:

Most people are deterred by those leaks prosecutions. They’re scared to death. There’s a gray zone between classified and unclassified information, and most sources were in that gray zone. Sources are now afraid to enter that gray zone. It’s having a deterrent effect. If we consider aggressive press coverage of government activities being at the core of American democracy, this tips the balance heavily in favor of the government.

CPJ shows that though 9/11 was a “watershed moment” that led to the vast expansion of secrecy and surveillance, the Obama Administration has been even more closed off to the press than previous presidents.

PEN America

In November 2013, PEN America released a report on a less-discussed sector of surveillance targets: writers. PEN concludes that “freedom of expression is under threat and, as a result, freedom of information is imperiled as well.”

Recounting their findings, PEN writes:

Fully 85% of writers responding to PEN’s survey are worried about government surveillance of Americans, and 73% of writers have never been as worried about privacy rights and freedom of the press as they are today. PEN has long argued that surveillance poses risks to creativity and free expression. The results of this survey—the beginning of a broader investigation into the harms of surveillance—substantiate PEN’s concerns: writers are not only overwhelmingly worried about government surveillance, but are engaging in self-censorship as a result.

PEN says that writers showed a “reluctance to write or speak about certain subjects; reluctance to pursue research about certain subjects; and reluctance to communicate with sources, or with friends abroad, for fear that they will endanger their counterparts by doing so.”

Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board

Finally, the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board published, on 2 July 2014, a ‘Report on the Surveillance Program Operated Pursuant to Section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act.’ The NSA has broadly interpreted section 702 to sweep up massive amounts of data on both foreign citizens and Americans.

The Center for Constitutional Rights, which represents several inmates at Guantanamo Bay, criticises some aspects of PCLOB’s focus, but writes:

Deeply troubling, the report found that attorneys’ legally-privileged communications are used and shared by the NSA, CIA and FBI unless they are communications directly with a client who has already been indicted in U.S. courts, which strongly suggests that the contents of privileged attorney-client communications at Guantanamo are subject to NSA warrantless surveillance. This raises serious concerns about the fairness of the military commission system and would seem to violate court orders entered in Guantanamo habeas cases that protect attorney-client privilege.

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News Whistleblowing

Swiss banking’s whistleblowers: the regulators of last resort

Swiss banks’ history of absolute confidentiality for their clients has led to the small country becoming the world’s largest centre for private banking. That secrecy is backed up by national laws: if Swiss bank employees disclose details they come across professionally, they don’t just risk losing their job — they face prison.

International initiatives to combat money laundering and tax evasion have put increasing pressure on Switzerland to break with the past and adopt greater transparency and better reporting standards. The Swiss resistance to surrendering their competitive advantage is reflected by the treatment meted out to whistleblowers from the banking sector, who – as the Economist reports this week –  have been fiercely persecuted.

Last summer Pierre Condamin-Gerbier, a former Geneva-based private banker, revealed that French budget minister and tax tsar, Jérôme Cahuzac, had hidden €600,000 in a Swiss bank account for over 20 years, despite repeatedly denying ever holding a bank account abroad. The revelation led to Cahuzac’s resignation and expulsion from France’s Socialist Party. Whistleblower Gerbier  was arrested on his return to Switzerland, released on bail in September last year and has recently appeared before a Swiss prosecutor.

This follows an extraordinary decade of retaliation against whistleblower Rudolf Elmer, a former executive with Bank Julius Baer based in the Cayman Islands, who raised concerns internally before turning to authorities and finally WikiLeaks to expose alleged complicity with tax avoidance and money laundering. Elmer and his family suffered extended close surveillance, intimidation and harassment (for which Julius Baer has already paid an undisclosed out of court settlement). Elmer has been imprisoned twice without charge, once for 187 days and once for 30 days, with periods in solitary confinement.

Rudolf Elmer, Julius Baer whistleblower
Rudolf Elmer, Julius Baer whistleblower

Swiss disclosure to international tax authorities is gradually inching forward. In October last year, Switzerland signed the OECD Multilateral Convention – an agreement to exchange information about taxpayers between tax authorities on request. But while the Swiss government has signed on to the Convention, it has failed to do anything to improve the situation of the whistleblowing bankers who have done so much do demonstrate why international agreements were needed. Secrecy laws remain in place and, as the case of Pierre Condamin-Gerbier shows, drawn out criminal proceedings and pre-trial detention for whistleblowers continue.

Whistleblower protections in Switzerland would serve the public interest more effectively than the decade-long trial Rudolf Elmer has had to suffer.

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Edward Snowden News

Kevin Zeese: Snowden Should Refuse to Play “Alice in Wonderland”

Kevin Zeese, Courage Advisory Board. 9 July 2014

Edward Snowden submitting to prosecution in the United States would be like Alice going into the courtroom in Wonderland.

Alice stood before the King and Queen of Hearts who served as the judges. The jurors, Alice realises, are “stupid things.” The first witness against her was the Mad Hatter who is as mad as the culture he represents. The guinea pigs who protest are immediately “suppressed” by having their mouths tied up and being put into a bag and sat on by the King so their protests cannot be heard. The most important evidence in the trial was secret, a poem whose author is unknown and which concludes:

For this must ever be a secret,

Kept from all the rest,

Between yourself and me.

Alice realised the court room, with the icons of a justice system (a judge, jury, witnesses), was really a sham that mocks a legitimate legal process.  To confirm her realisation, the King said, after the meaningless secret poetry evidence, that it was “the most important piece of evidence” and “let the jury consider their verdict.” The Queen retorts: “No, no! Sentence first; verdict afterwards.”

Last week, former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton joined the current Secretary of State John Kerry in urging Edward Snowden to come home and face prosecution. Clinton told the Guardian that he should “return knowing he would be held accountable and also able to present a defense.” When asked about whether he could really present a defense, Clinton said:

In any case that I’m aware of as a former lawyer, he has a right to mount a defense. And he certainly has a right to launch both a legal defense and a public defense, which can of course affect the legal defense.

In fact, under current US law, Snowden would face a criminal process with virtually no defense, a pre-ordained outcome and he would be silenced during the process. The law he would be charged under, the Espionage Act, provides for no real defense and the due process afforded would be inadequate, resulting in an unfair trial and a lengthy sentence.

On 14 June, federal prosecutors in Alexandria, VA, filed espionage charges against Edward Snowden. He became the eighth person to be charged under the 1917 Espionage Act during the Obama presidency, more than double all previous presidents combined. Under the three current felony charges, Snowden faces up to 30 years in prison. The prosecutors could add additional charges when Snowden is indicted.

Recent court decisions, including the prosecution of Chelsea Manning, have interpreted the Espionage Act to not require proof that the person accused intended to commit espionage. If the person intended to blow the whistle on illegal activity and was acting in the public interest, as in the case of Snowden and the NSA, that would not be a defense.

Former US intelligence officials had given Snowden an award for integrity in intelligence. A judge on the FISA surveillance court, David Saylor, acknowledged, “The unauthorized disclosure … have engendered considerable public interest and debate…” Even the Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, acknowledged “I think it’s clear that some of the conversations this has generated, some of the debate, actually needed to happen.” And the reporters who worked with Snowden to publish the documents won the top journalism award, the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service. None of this would be relevant in court under the Espionage Act.

The jury would not be allowed to consider how the leaks were a public service, not espionage. Unlike other criminal laws violation of the Espionage Act is a strict liability law — there is no defense for a whistleblower who has admitted they leaked the documents, i.e. the fact of the leak is espionage even if the intent was to serve the public interest by exposing crimes by the government. As a result, even though Snowden was not a spy committing espionage — in the traditional sense of the term as someone spying for a foreign enemy — the law could still be applied to him.

In addition, rather than due process allowing a legitimate defense as the Constitution requires, his trial would rely on warped procedures that actually prevent the basics of a fair trial. It is very likely that Snowden would be denied bail and held in prison pending trial despite the Constitution providing for a right to bail, especially since he fled the nation and sought political asylum in a foreign country. Being incarcerated pending trial makes mounting a defense very difficult and would preclude communication with the public and the media. Clinton has it backward: unlike his current situation, where Snowden can explain himself and the importance of documents being released, he would be silenced.

As in Manning’s and other national security cases, it is likely that much of the evidence in the trial would be classified as secret which would severely limit the number of people who can see it and prevent the public and the media from seeing all of the evidence, despite the Constitution requiring a public trial. As in Chelsea Manning’s case, large portions of the trial would be out of public view because the government would claim national security secrets would be breached if the trial were completely public. This would keep the public uninformed of the real nature of the facts and in the dark when the inevitable conviction results. Pundits supporting the security state would say: “Well, you can’t criticise the verdict because you do not know what the judge and jury knew; you did not see all the evidence.”

Finally, the trial would be held in federal court in Alexandria, Virginia. This is where the grand jury has been based. The jurisdiction of this court includes the Pentagon, Pentagon City, Crystal City and Rosslyn, areas concentrated with military, security and intelligence contractors as well as people working in the Pentagon and their relatives. The Alexandria federal court is known to be very much a pro-security state court in part because of the make-up of the jury pool. Is this the “impartial jury” the Constitution envisions? It would be impossible for Snowden to get a fair trial.

Why should Snowden submit to a judicial process that would be so unfair and obviously unjust? Surely Clinton, a former lawyer, and Kerry are well aware that Snowden would be prosecuted in a phony Kangaroo court where the deck would be stacked against him, so their comments are false rhetoric, like Kerry calling on Snowden to “man-up,” comments designed to confuse the public. They know that what they are suggesting would result in Snowden facing an unfair prosecution with a pre-ordained conviction resulting in a lengthy sentence.

Should Edward Snowden submit to this mocking of legitimate trials, where there is no real due process or any opportunity to prove his innocence? That is what US security state trials have become. A sham of justice, something that Edward Snowden should never submit to.

Kevin Zeese is an advisory board member of the Courage Foundation. He is an organiser with Popular Resistance, serves as the Attorney General of the Green Shadow Cabinet and on the steering committee of the Chelsea Manning Support Network.

 

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Courage News Edward Snowden Events News

Video: Sarah Harrison gives Global Media Forum keynote address

At last week’s Global Media Forum, WikiLeaks Investigations Editor and Courage Foundation Acting Director Sarah Harrison gave the keynote address, entitled “The Battle Against Unaccountable Power”, which covered whistleblowing, publishing, and press freedom. Harrison stressed the the value of publishing source documents in full and in searchable formats, using transparency to hold the powerful to account and the importance of combating government claims that overstate threats to national security.